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Kansas City’s Old Film Row

A film row is a collection of film studio offices which are located next to each other. Film rows functioned as motion picture industry sales hubs and fulfillment centers. Film rows also played host to meetings and events.

From the 1920’s and on through the 1970’s, Hollywood used film rows to produce and distribute content.

Kansas City’s Old Film Row was located in what is today Crossroads Arts District – 17 buildings within a four block radius. Most of those buildings are still there.

Columbia Pictures and Paramount had offices between Central and Wyandotte on 18th Street.

Where 17th Street intersects with Wyandotte, Warner Brothers and Universal Studios were across the street from one another. 1700 Wyandotte had been Universal Studios’ Midwest storage and distribution center.

United Artists had an office on the corner of Central and 18th Street.

Walt Disney Company was located on 18th Street…just off Wyandotte.

Disney evolved out of Laugh-O-Gram Studio. Laugh-O-Gram started out in the McConahay Building – 1127 East 31st Street.

The MGM building – built in 1930 – was at 220 West 18th Street.

National Screen Service – 18th Street and Baltimore – was one of the largest distributors of movie posters, accessories and print ads.

Screenland Café – Wyandotte and 18th Street – had two screening rooms as well as two theatre circuits. Those two theatre circuits would evolve into AMC Theaters.

AMC was founded in 1920 in KC by Maurice, Edward and Barney Dubinsky. The Durbinsky’s would go on to change their name. From Dubinsky to Durwood.

Prior to AMC, the Durwood’s had Durwood Theatres. Durwood Theatres started out on Baltimore Street. In Old Film Row.

Density Bonus Programs

Density bonus programs are developer incentives. They function as “build catalysts.” Catalysts which make it worthwhile – and economically feasible – for developers to undertake the construction of inclusionary housing projects. In summary, a density bonus program permits an increase in allowed dwelling units per acre – DU/A.

Here is how a density bonus program works…

Density bonuses enable developers to build in excess of a site’s base zoning. In exchange for the municipality permitting a developer to build unit totals which exceed standard allowances, the developer is required to designate a set number of units built as income-restricted affordable housing.

Density bonus programs are enacted through local ordinances. Ordinances amend zoning codes. The process of having zoning codes amended, through ordinances, accompanies the implementation of density bonus programs. This is so because standard zoning codes – prior to the codes being amended – would not authorize the developer’s proposed build, if not amended. The intended outcome? Construction of more affordable housing units.

Density bonus programs establish developer thresholds. Once the threshold is met by the developer, the developer qualifies for the density bonus.

Typically, density bonus programs allow for increases of between 10% and 20% over baseline permitted density. This, in exchange for the developer’s commitment to the provision of a pre-set number of affordable housing units.

The council-manager form of local government

Since the 1920’s, Kansas City, Missouri has utilized the council-manager form of government. Phoenix is the largest American city which utilizes the council-manager form of government.

In a council-manager form of government, city council charts how the city functions. An analogy…

In a council-manager form of government, city council could be looked at as being comparable to a corporate board of directors. The council-manager form of government, through its construct, looks somewhat like corporate governance. Using the corporate analogy, a city manager would be the city’s “executive officer.” The city’s “CEO.” The city manager, which is an unelected position, is hired by the city.

The city manager works, in theory (ideally) outside of the scope of the political arena. The city manager executes policy. The city manager implements ordinances…ordinances passed by, using our corporate analogy once again, the city’s “board of directors.” The “board of directors” being…city council.

The city’s “CEO?” City manager. The city’s “board of directors?” City council.

Under the council-manager form of government, the mayor is an elected public official. Elected by voters.

The city manager operates behind the-scenes. Running the city’s day-to-day operations. The mayoral position is a more visible position. Interviews? Newspaper articles? Mayor.

As executive officer, the city manager is responsible for oversight of city departments. The city manager collaborates with the mayor – and with city council – to enact policy. City policy? That policy emanates from city council.

City planning? City programs? The city budget? These are responsibilities of the city manager.

The position of mayor is a political position. The city manager position is apolitical.

City managers are not out campaigning alongside candidates who are running for public office. The city manager does not publicly promote the interests of Democrats, nor of Republicans.

Campaigning? Part of what it takes to become mayor. Politics? Goes hand-in hand with winning an election and becoming mayor.

Photo ops? Fundraising? TV appearances? Mayor. The city manager may very well attend these events as well. Yet it will be the mayor – moreso than the city manager – who is more likely to show up and make an appearance.

Land Banks in New York…it’s working.

There are just about than 4 million total residential homes in state of New York. If one is looking for a real estate development specialty to consider going into 2025, today, 13 years after the New York Land Bank Law went into effect, there are still in excess of somewhere in the neighborhood of 40,000 vacant residential homes located in municipalities throughout the state of New York.

Two general truths…

Truth “A”: a land bank has procedures available to the land bank which enables the land bank to acquire vacant and abandoned properties.

Truth “B”: Developers look for opportunities to acquire – and redevelop – non-performing properties.

Once transitioned from a non-performing property to a “performing” property, that property can then be sold. Thus, returning what was once a now-performing property to a neighborhood as a “performing” properties. As a community asset. As a property which is now on the municipality’s property tax roll. As such, performing properties create newly-found tax revenue for municipalities. This eases budget constraints.

Through New York’s Land Bank Law, in New York State, the New York municipality possesses an ability to create their own land bank. By establishing a land bank, resources, direction, vision, personnel – coupled to funding – enable New York redevelopment. Once created, New York land banks improve adverse conditions stemming from non-performing properties located within New York State tax districts.

The New York Land Bank law was signed by Governor Cuomo on July 29,2011. New York’s first land bank was established the next year.. in 2012. Today, there are over 30 land banks in operation in New York State..

Here are some land bank statistics from the part of New York Stare where Josh Allen plays quarterback:

A. 230 properties acquired

B. 44 renovations completed

C. $2.4 million in assessed Values returned to communities

D. $14 million in leveraged investment

Redevelopment Area: New Jersey

In a designated Redevelopment Area, a municipality’s goals could be focused upon transitioning now non-performing residential, commercial and industrial properties to vibrant community assets. The pursuit of which could take on a community-centric theme. Renovations. Repurposing properties. And reconstruction too. Each of these being potential goals pursuant to redeveloping non-performing properties in designated Redevelopment Areas.

Steps taken by a municipality in their progression towards neighborhood revitalization in Redevelopment Areas – progression, coupled to a redevelopment plan emanating from city hall – often starts off with a city council passing a resolution. Following the resolution, the planning board then might construct a Redevelopment map. With a Redevelopment map formulated – and upon notification to the public of a scheduled hearing – a planning board could then potentially adopt a Redevelopment resolution.

A Redevelopment resolution could recommend the establishment of a Redevelopment Area within a municipality. There is quite a bit more technical minutiae to this process, needless to say. Yet, in summarily-simplified terms, this is one we can thus arrive at the designation of a Redevelopment Area within a municipality.

Marlboro Township

The name – Marlboro Township – can be traced back to what had been a local discovery…a discovery which occurred, nearly three hundred years ago.

This local Marlboro discovery, then too, the utilization of what had been discovered nearly three-hundred years ago alongside what is now Marlboro Township, was a mineral. That mineral – emerging to go on to become quite important to the local agricultural industry – being this region’s marl.

Marl is a mineral which, by the late 18th century in New Jersey, was relied upon first, by local farmers who owned farms in what would go on to become Marlboro Township. Then, later, by farmers farming farmland situated throughout New Jersey. Then, later, by farmers farming farmland well beyond – and outside of – New Jersey.

In Monmouth County New Jersey, marl was discovered in 1768. East of where the township lines for what we now call Marlboro Township can be found. A true farmer’s ally, the functionality of marl as a mineral can be seen in how marl – composed of the remains of prehistoric fish – was able to be spread over topsoil of area farmland during the winter months. Then tilled into the farmland soil in the spring. Farmers, in what we now know to be Marlboro Township, came to rely upon marl as the means through which they could improve their soil’s fertility.

Marl is not exclusive to New Jersey, by any means. The recognized use of marl goes way, way, way back. To the 1st century.

Marl is a de-facto natural fertilizer. A natural fertilizer which had been found to exist in the grounds underneath Marlboro Township in the 18th Century. Long, long, long before the comeuppance of any commercial fertilizer industry in New Jersey would have been able to supply local New Jersey farmers with a finished fertilizer product which could be used for their farms.

Harvested in what would later go on to become Marlboro Township, the region’s marl – once the marl had been harvested – would go on to evolve as an industry. Later, to be transported by rail. On to nearby agricultural markets. New Jersey’s local discovery of marl established an industry early on for Marlboro Township.

By the mid-19th Century, the transportation of New Jersey marl was key to facilitating commerce. For the local harvesters of marl. For the local “exporters” of this marl. And for the farmers and the farms which came to rely upon – and use – marl as fertilizer.

To that effect – relating to marl, as a local industry…and to the transportation of marl as well – in 1853, the Freehold and Jamesburg Agricultural Railroad was founded in Jamesburg, New Jersey. Founded, primarily to facilitate the transportation – by rail – of this newly-identified regional mineral.

The Freehold and Jamesburg Agricultural Railroad operated along a 27-mile rail line. Connecting the locally-harvested marl – in what is now Marlboro Township – to nearby agricultural markets. Among them, Freehold, Jamesburg, Monroe, Manalapan and Englishtown.

For comments about this article, or to offer suggestions and ideas for further pieces written about Marlboro Township, kindly reach out to the author, Ted Ihde.

phone: (816) 699-6804

email: authortedihde@gmail.com

Chicago

55,000 – Fifty-five thousand would be the number of non-performing residential structures in the city of Chicago five years ago…in 2019.

32,000 – Thirty-two thousand would be the number of vacant lots in the city of Chicago five years ago…in 2019.

In order to increase Chicago’s property tax base, vacant, abandoned and distressed residential structures will need to be renovated, in scale. Thus, transitioning now non-performing “black holes” on Chicago’s balance sheet to investors. And to owner-occupying homebuyers. Intended outcome? The undergoing of substantial numbers of inner city renovation projects of non-performing residential structures. The transformation of what can now be categorized as city liabilities, into city assets.

How about vacant Chicago lots?

Non-performing lots in Chicago need to be conveyed – in scale – to new property owners. Property owners who pursue the building of new homes on the vacant lots.

As new homes are built on what are now vacant city lots, a new revenue source for the city – coming by way of property taxes paid to the city…property tax amounts which are based upon assessment values for properties which have newly-constructed homes on them – is established.

While Chicago is saddled with substantive numbers of non-performing residential structures, the establishment of processes which reduce the number of vacant lots has been a priority for the city.

For example…

Between the years 2015 and 2019, Chicago proceeded to sell in excess of 1,000 (out of approximately 11,500) vacant lots. Five years. Over 1,000 lots sold. On average, over 200 vacant lots sold per year. For five years. Pretty good!

The Chicago Large Lots Program…

Through a program Chicago established to address challenges linked to the high number of vacant city-owned lots – this program being, the Large Lots Program – neighborhood property owners were able to purchase up to two vacant lots from the city. One condition of the lot acquisitions being, the lots purchased needed to be properties on streets on which buyers already owned real estate.

The sale prices of those lots sold through the Large Lots Program? $1 each.

Circumstances, Timing, and Policy. Or a lack thereof?

It can credibly be argued that opportunities for Americans to build wealth through the acquisition of real estate has usually been based upon, 1) circumstances, and 2) timing.

Minus, 1) favorable circumstances, and 2) good timing, is (or was) an American just outta luck in regard to real estate? Due to different reasons, for many – long, long ago, and still today – that answer, unfortunately, was and is, “YES.”

So what role can, should or will government take on with regard to creating more opportunities for generational wealth building through the ownership of real estate? Remember, as a “game-changer,” HUD was created 59 years ago…in 1965. A long time ago.

Going back…hundreds of years before the formation of HUD, what role did our government play when real estate was sought out? In the earliest stages of our American set-up.

During the 1600’s, a select portion of those residing in what would go on to become the American colonies – those who aspired to “own” land for themselves, that is – ventured out, and found themselves a piece of land. They claimed that land. They then “owned” that land. And there you have it. Notwithstanding, this was land “ownership” – for some – without a deed being recorded. Notwithstanding, this was land “ownership” without the issuance of title insurance. Notwithstanding, this was land “ownership” which went into effect without the use of a mortgage.

During the 17th Century, in what would go on to become the United States, when one wanted land, one could often just travel a few miles north. Or south. Or east. Or west. Outside of a settled area, that is. Find some barren land. Land that had not yet been claimed. Then, proceed to claim that unsettled land. Circumstances permitted.

So a notable portion of our early “eligible” American settlers didn’t see value in buying land from someone else. Nor was there a need to.

Circumstances. Timing.

When the United States is short millions of new homes – as we are today – and when there is no substantive national policy being spoken of which can work towards addressing our very real housing problem (in an election year, for that matter) do we just leave this all to “Mr. Market,” and say, “Well…it’s just, 1) circumstances, and 2) timing.”

That’s kinda what we’re doing…

Wholesale Prices – Retail Prices

In the U.S. economy, there is a “balancing act” found within projected, planned and/or implemented wholesale-retail price increases. Just as there is a “balancing act” in managing tariffs.

Wholesale price increases, retail price increases and tariffs. Each being a conversation piece relevant to how price changes could/will affect consumer behavior. And demand.

As prices increase, consumer demand could in turn decrease. Companies opting to reduce the prices that consumers ultimately pay at the retail level, with an eye on jumpstarting demand – if demand had been deemed to have stalled out – can prove to be challenging when companies absorb higher-than-planned-for wholesale price increases. As is reflected through an increasing – or a stubbornly consistent higher-than-planned-for – Producer Price Index.

And those wholesale prices paid by corporations – prior to consumers purchasing products at the retail level? Those wholesale prices – paid by U.S. corporations – are driven up by tariffs.

“You can’t tax business. Business doesn’t pay taxes. It collects taxes.” – a quote by Ronald Reagan

Trenton

Go to New Jersey’s capital, and we’ll find that upwards of 60% of City residents rent their homes (or their apartments). Whereas, in Mercer County – Trenton is located in Mercer County – as well as in the State of New Jersey, overall, between 30% to 40% of residents rent.

Trenton has thousands of vacant lots, non-performing buildings and vacant homes. How come?

One contributing factor had been the hollowing out of Trenton’s industrial base. Leading to a reduction in property tax receipts for the City – I.e.: less property tax revenue. Culminating in a deterioration of Trenton’s center city housing stock.

This former American industrial manufacturing hub – like many other legacy cities which have been adversely affected by de-industrialization policies – has its share of housing-related challenges. Yet, with thousands of vacant lots, non-performing buildings and vacant homes located within its borders, this former Mid-Atlantic industrial heavyweight also possesses the ingredients – serving as a foundational starting point – to establish processes to transition now non-performing Trenton properties to high-quality affordable community assets. Available, then, to those who call Trenton “home.”